From Malaysiakini
Sim Kwang Yang May 9, 09 12:07pm
When the Pakistan prime minister announced his government’s decision to go after the Talibans in the Swat Valley, he said it was to restore the “honour of the Motherland!”
MCPXHonour, in one form or another, is one of the highest and most universal virtues held dear by many cultures. We may not condone the sort of “honour killing” practised by some tribesmen in Pakistan. The ritual suicide of Japanese samurai warriors called ‘sepuku’ in defence of their personal honour may also sound extreme. But we still say, “There is honour even among thieves.” We call our elected representative ‘The Right Honourable’, or ‘Yang Berhormat’, precisely because politics ought to be an honourable profession. Unfortunately, throughout the whole world, many politicians have prostituted their honour for personal gain and power - they are worse than thieves. On May 7, honour in Malaysian politics was assassinated and buried by a bunch of people worse than thieves. The six-hour theatrical fiasco inside and outside the Perak state legislature has been variously described as “chaos”, “bedlam”, “mayhem” and “shambolic”. In my ripe old age, and with my decades of active political participation and commentary in the media, I have never seen anything close to the murder of honour in Malaysian politics like what happened in Ipoh.Not even the infamous Operation Lallang can come close to the public display of the breakdown of rule of law and parliamentary democracy. Finally, new Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak has outdone Dr Mahathir Mohamad in the usurpation of the people’s sovereign will.Election of new speaker dubiousCalling it a coup d’etat in his article on the blog Hornbill Unleashed, blogger Pak Bui has this to impart to us all: “American hawk Edward Luttwak wrote in ‘Coup d’État: a Practical Handbook’, that ‘a coup consists of the infiltration of a small, but critical, segment of the state apparatus, which is then used to displace the government from its control over the remainder.’”A coup is usually initiated by the military to overthrow a legitimate government. Remember when the Fiji military armed to the teeth marching into Parliament and put the lawmakers under arrest, thereby taking power from the politicians?Military coups are a rarity in these days. In Perak, it was achieved by more subtle means, through a congruent of forces - the Barisan Nasional coalition, the civil servants and the police, all bending the semblance of law to breaking point.Looking at the picture, one can be forgiven in thinking that the Perak august house of legislature has turned into royal rumble on the World Wrestling Federation circuit!The forcible removal of the House speaker by unidentified goons is a sight that is as macabre as it is surreal. We have finally achieved the dubious distinction of overtaking Taiwan as a country with gang-like behaviour in the legislative assembly.By parliamentary conventions that are observed in most Commonwealth countries, the grounds of the legislature is a sovereign refuge from which government administration agencies like the police cannot invade unless upon invitation by the speaker. This convention has arisen from that time-honoured and almost sacrosanct doctrine of separation of powers between the three branches of government.In the legislature, the House has its own sergeant-at-arms to enforce the decisions of the speaker and the whole House. This is the way of the legislature policing itself without the interference of the police. To witness unidentified goons, speculated to be police personnel, carting away the speaker is to see the death of honour for parliamentary democracy in Malaysia. Knowing something of parliamentary practices and House standing orders, I doubt the proceedings on May 7 in the Perak legislature is in accordance with the laws and the federal constitution. The election of the new speaker is dubious. The action of deputy speaker Hee Foong Yit in summarily usurping the power of the original speaker is entirely unlawful.That much-maligned defector has once again played a critical role at the critical time. On the Internet and in private conversation, her name has been made synonymous with some of the most obscene words imaginable. It might be sexism at work, but some will argue that in this exceptional case, the vilification may be well-deserved.Thanks to her, the picture of her tearing up one-ringgit bills or pointing what appeared to be a pepper spray at a fellow assemblyperson has come to be the most defining image of the entire circus on Black Thursday in Perak.Police dragged into imbroglioThe biggest casualty of Black Thursday has to be the Royal Malaysian Police. Their demeanor in the discharge of their duty soils the image of the royal throne.I suppose one could argue that they have to take orders from their political masters. Being a federal agency, they do have to obey the demand of the federal cabinet and the new home minister. If the politicians drag them into playing a partisan role against the opposition coalition, then the fault lies in the Umno politicians, and not the police.But the enthusiasm with which the police went about arresting 120 people in the past three days or so does show a clear lack of professionalism. They arrested Wong Chin Fatt on very shaky ground. They arrested people attending peaceful candlelight vigil outside the Brickfields police station where Wong was held captive. To top absurdity upon absurdities, they arrested five lawyers who went to offer legal aid for those who were detained.In Ipoh, within and outside the 500-metre limit of the Perak state legislature, they charged at strawmen like a bull in a China shop. They arrested 10 elected representatives like common criminals, handcuffs and all.They arrested people for wearing black. They arrested people for having breakfast, and for hanging around like my 69-year-old friend Bernard Khoo. Who would they NOT be arrested next?One of the most cherished freedoms of a citizen in a free democratic country is the security and freedom of the person.It is the duty of the state within the ambit of that Social Contract (that of Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau) to protect, preserve, and promote the personal liberty of its citizens. The unreasonable deprivation of that sacrosanct personal liberty, even for an hour, is a moral crime against the collective humanity of the citizens.In a civil society, all forms of violence are outlawed, leaving the military and the police personnel to monopolise the right to violent means in enforcing the laws. When the laws are unjust, and when the police are overzealous in exercising their power in depriving peaceful citizens of their personal freedom, the moral legitimacy of the state and the police will deteriorate in the hearts of the people.BN’s ‘ugly daughter-in-law’Right now, the national attention is firmly fixated on Perak. The continuing battles in various courts between the belligerent parties will make sure of that.Malaysians are generally a meek lot. Apart from the activists and the bloggers, they may not rush to the streets of Ipoh to display their displeasure. They just watch events unfold with their cold eyes, making their own judgement in the silence of their hearts, waiting for their time of reckoning to come.Again, the only honourable way of resolving this crisis in Perak is to hold a state general election, to settle the issue once for all. But that is what the puppet BN government in Perak will not do, for fear of a washout at the polls.There is an old Chinese saying, “An ugly daughter-in-law will have to meet her husband’s father one day”. (In the old days in China, when marriages were arranged by parents with the help of a match-maker, the groom’s father may not see her daughter-in-law right up to the time of the wedding day when the bride’s face would be veiled the entire time. But a face-to-face meeting is inevitable after the wedding.)The ugly illegitimate BN state government will have to face the Perak voters eventually - sooner rather than later.The ugliness of the loss of honour in Ipoh on May 7 may in fact drag down the BN coalition in the next general election. We can get an inkling of the voters’ sentiment in the Penanti by-election.
SIM KWANG YANG was MP for Bandar Kuching between 1982 and 1995. He can be reached at kenyalang578@hotmail.com.
Saturday, May 9, 2009
Testing Najib's "1 Malaysia"
From Malaysiakini
Josh Hong May 8, 09 12:02pm
Is Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak serious about his "New Deal", as shamelessly described by major Chinese-language dailies especially
MCPXSin Chew Daily? Or, has he been lying through his teeth about '1Malaysia'?The arrest of Bersih spokesperson and a promising political scientist Wong Chin Huat three days ago practically broke the myth about Najib's reform agenda. It shows that the government is not hesitant to create a climate of fear when forced into a corner despite its repeated rhetoric of change to stay relevant (read: in power).Knowing that he was burdened by allegations of corrupt practices as Defence Minister, and unable to change the public perception of his alleged involvement in the shocking death of a Mongolian national, Altantunya Shaariibu, Najib moved quickly to consolidate the media establishment in the country and endeared himself to the press in order to shift the public attention from the scandals so that more people may focus on his "reform initiatives".Compared to ex-premier Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's "work with me, not for me" sound bite and his other slogans that have largely turned into jokes, Najib's swift manner in tackling some of the most delicate issues indeed looks efficient and has won praise from the mainstream media circle.Show the real deal But the avalanche of the propagandistic news over the last few weeks was meant to create a "feel-good" factor among the populace, and to take the wind out of the opposition's sail. The prime minister's sweeping economic liberalisation parade, as expected, delighted the business community greatly. The cabinet's ruling against unilateral conversion of minors into Islam has managed to drive a wedge between Pas and DAP to some extent.But what is so new about Najib's initiatives?The opening up of the 27 sub-sectors in the services industry will only benefit the private sector, and its implementation may be plagued by bureaucratic resistance. Economy aside, Malaysia is still confronted with a host of divisive issues in ethnic relations, education, language and culture. Whether or not Najib has a clear and definite blueprint to introduce a sea of change or paradigm shift is everyone's guess. If he does not, his '1Malaysia' concept has failed miserably to articulate it.For instance, will the prime minister go as far as to declare the idea of ketuanan Melayu is outdated, so that the nation's ethnic relations can be restored on a healthy basis? To his credit, Anwar Ibrahim has came up with ketuanan Rakyat that continues to capture the public's imagination. To really win the hearts and minds of the people, Najib must do better than just sloganeering.A double handicap Decades of discontent and dispute over the New Economy Policy (NEP) have resulted in the elusion that social equality will ensue once the race-based socio-economic engineering is phased out. This is far from the truth.Looking back at the late 1980s, the neo-liberal economic measures taken by ex-premier Dr. Mahathir Mohamad did boost foreign investments and put Malaysia on the path of unprecedented economic prosperity. However, the booming stock market and the vastly increased purchasing power of the average rakyat did not obscure the intra- and inter-ethnic income disparity that is widening at an even faster rate. Such inequality has contributed significantly to the breakdown of ethnic relations in the subsequent years. Today, we only see a shrinking band of true believers in Mahathirism, who struggle to rescue their icon's name from being associated with a legacy of unbridled greed, entrenched inequality, unfettered corruption, institutional dysfunction and economic failure. As Vidhu Verma rightly points out in her book 'Malaysia: State and Civil Society in Transition', "...Mahathir has promoted a strategy for creating a bumiputera capitalist class through the privatisation of state-owned industries ... the government bureaucracy shielded close ties between business and politics during this period and protected corporate activity from public scrutiny." That Mahathir had no appetite for public scrutiny is beyond doubt; he even muzzled the press and enslaved the judges to ensure minimal interference. The subsequent Vision 2020 and the now virtually defunct ‘Bangsa Malaysia', which he jealously advocated, were nothing but a public exercise to re-package Umno's racist ideology, for they were not founded on the universal values of democracy, human rights and multiculturalism.This "vision" of Mahathir, parroted by the political and media establishment at the time, lasted for several years mostly because of the breakneck economic development and the positive sentiments that it produced, which prompted the public to rally behind the "visionary" leader.A false sense Too bad, that the 1997 economic crisis brought all the false sense of economic prosperity and social equality to an abrupt end. As Mahathir showed his racist and authoritarian nature, the country entered a new phase in which the reawakened civil society began to challenge the encroaching state. More and more people now recognise that economic development without distributive justice and institutional scrutiny is not sustainable.I am not here to demonise the prime minister but his reformist credentials are conspicuously absent. As far as his "New Deal" is concerned, it remains abstract at best. Worse, his commitment to institutional enhancement and reform is clearly lacking, as evidenced by the recent arrests of Wong and other opposition leaders and the crackdowns on dissent in Perak yesterday.Hence, it is incumbent on each and every one of us to put pressure on the new administration and test the limits of its executive powers. Any reform must eventually hurt the interests of the ruling elite to be meaningful and substantive. Mikhail Gorbachev was instrumental in the disintegration of the Soviet Union and remains a persona-non-grata in Russia. Kim Young-sam, South Korea's former president, had to bear the pain of seeing his son sent to jail over corrupt practices, and the Kuomintang party in Taiwan was made to transfer power to its rival in a peaceful manner.How far will Najib go in changing the country? He may see a possible end to the NEP as an ultimate act of his greatness, but that would merely be the beginning of a long and torturous process of reform in Malaysia. The challenge for the civil society, the media and politicians is to present a comprehensive agenda that encompasses reform in the police, the judiciary and the bureaucracy. The reforms should be based on equal opportunity and multiculturalism while promoting free speech and thought.Can the prime minister rise to the challenge? If he can ill-tolerate people wearing black shirts, things are not looking good indeed.
Josh Hong May 8, 09 12:02pm
Is Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak serious about his "New Deal", as shamelessly described by major Chinese-language dailies especially
MCPXSin Chew Daily? Or, has he been lying through his teeth about '1Malaysia'?The arrest of Bersih spokesperson and a promising political scientist Wong Chin Huat three days ago practically broke the myth about Najib's reform agenda. It shows that the government is not hesitant to create a climate of fear when forced into a corner despite its repeated rhetoric of change to stay relevant (read: in power).Knowing that he was burdened by allegations of corrupt practices as Defence Minister, and unable to change the public perception of his alleged involvement in the shocking death of a Mongolian national, Altantunya Shaariibu, Najib moved quickly to consolidate the media establishment in the country and endeared himself to the press in order to shift the public attention from the scandals so that more people may focus on his "reform initiatives".Compared to ex-premier Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's "work with me, not for me" sound bite and his other slogans that have largely turned into jokes, Najib's swift manner in tackling some of the most delicate issues indeed looks efficient and has won praise from the mainstream media circle.Show the real deal But the avalanche of the propagandistic news over the last few weeks was meant to create a "feel-good" factor among the populace, and to take the wind out of the opposition's sail. The prime minister's sweeping economic liberalisation parade, as expected, delighted the business community greatly. The cabinet's ruling against unilateral conversion of minors into Islam has managed to drive a wedge between Pas and DAP to some extent.But what is so new about Najib's initiatives?The opening up of the 27 sub-sectors in the services industry will only benefit the private sector, and its implementation may be plagued by bureaucratic resistance. Economy aside, Malaysia is still confronted with a host of divisive issues in ethnic relations, education, language and culture. Whether or not Najib has a clear and definite blueprint to introduce a sea of change or paradigm shift is everyone's guess. If he does not, his '1Malaysia' concept has failed miserably to articulate it.For instance, will the prime minister go as far as to declare the idea of ketuanan Melayu is outdated, so that the nation's ethnic relations can be restored on a healthy basis? To his credit, Anwar Ibrahim has came up with ketuanan Rakyat that continues to capture the public's imagination. To really win the hearts and minds of the people, Najib must do better than just sloganeering.A double handicap Decades of discontent and dispute over the New Economy Policy (NEP) have resulted in the elusion that social equality will ensue once the race-based socio-economic engineering is phased out. This is far from the truth.Looking back at the late 1980s, the neo-liberal economic measures taken by ex-premier Dr. Mahathir Mohamad did boost foreign investments and put Malaysia on the path of unprecedented economic prosperity. However, the booming stock market and the vastly increased purchasing power of the average rakyat did not obscure the intra- and inter-ethnic income disparity that is widening at an even faster rate. Such inequality has contributed significantly to the breakdown of ethnic relations in the subsequent years. Today, we only see a shrinking band of true believers in Mahathirism, who struggle to rescue their icon's name from being associated with a legacy of unbridled greed, entrenched inequality, unfettered corruption, institutional dysfunction and economic failure. As Vidhu Verma rightly points out in her book 'Malaysia: State and Civil Society in Transition', "...Mahathir has promoted a strategy for creating a bumiputera capitalist class through the privatisation of state-owned industries ... the government bureaucracy shielded close ties between business and politics during this period and protected corporate activity from public scrutiny." That Mahathir had no appetite for public scrutiny is beyond doubt; he even muzzled the press and enslaved the judges to ensure minimal interference. The subsequent Vision 2020 and the now virtually defunct ‘Bangsa Malaysia', which he jealously advocated, were nothing but a public exercise to re-package Umno's racist ideology, for they were not founded on the universal values of democracy, human rights and multiculturalism.This "vision" of Mahathir, parroted by the political and media establishment at the time, lasted for several years mostly because of the breakneck economic development and the positive sentiments that it produced, which prompted the public to rally behind the "visionary" leader.A false sense Too bad, that the 1997 economic crisis brought all the false sense of economic prosperity and social equality to an abrupt end. As Mahathir showed his racist and authoritarian nature, the country entered a new phase in which the reawakened civil society began to challenge the encroaching state. More and more people now recognise that economic development without distributive justice and institutional scrutiny is not sustainable.I am not here to demonise the prime minister but his reformist credentials are conspicuously absent. As far as his "New Deal" is concerned, it remains abstract at best. Worse, his commitment to institutional enhancement and reform is clearly lacking, as evidenced by the recent arrests of Wong and other opposition leaders and the crackdowns on dissent in Perak yesterday.Hence, it is incumbent on each and every one of us to put pressure on the new administration and test the limits of its executive powers. Any reform must eventually hurt the interests of the ruling elite to be meaningful and substantive. Mikhail Gorbachev was instrumental in the disintegration of the Soviet Union and remains a persona-non-grata in Russia. Kim Young-sam, South Korea's former president, had to bear the pain of seeing his son sent to jail over corrupt practices, and the Kuomintang party in Taiwan was made to transfer power to its rival in a peaceful manner.How far will Najib go in changing the country? He may see a possible end to the NEP as an ultimate act of his greatness, but that would merely be the beginning of a long and torturous process of reform in Malaysia. The challenge for the civil society, the media and politicians is to present a comprehensive agenda that encompasses reform in the police, the judiciary and the bureaucracy. The reforms should be based on equal opportunity and multiculturalism while promoting free speech and thought.Can the prime minister rise to the challenge? If he can ill-tolerate people wearing black shirts, things are not looking good indeed.
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